altogether. Thus, Pangkong Prabu reveals radical tortion in its social matrix, but its vivid identity stems from the sanctity of its location. As the name suggests, it straddles a small stream; and it is overshadowed by a lofty banyan where, once upon a time, a holy man achieved moksa. The number-two raja of Tabanan once constructed a royal shrine to confirm his house's participation in the site's auspiciousness. The family heads of Pangkon. Prabu were limited to ten, all considered descendants of the holy man, and the eldest line became the source of successive extraordinarily pure pemangkus, custodians of the royal shrine. Today the old royal patrons barely maintain the shrine, but the significance of Pangkon Prabu has riot diminished. Tobe a resident there is to dwell in a locale of holy danger. As the current pemangku recalls, once even a Madurese Muslim, son of a Haji, was attracted by the power of the spot to pay homage beneath the banyan tree to the spirits of this place.

Thus, the complicated principles of Balinese social organization based on diverse sets of affiliations for individual family heads, stretch over a landscape rich in symbols and lore of spatial identity. This tendency to assign religions attributes to localities was supported and harnessed by the rajas and their advisors. A space can be defined and coded by some sort of temple, and an individual or group participates in its nature.' The space might be named for an ideal aspect of the group occupying it, as in Banjar Pande (smith's hamlet). Or the space may be intrinsically enchanted and its residents subject to 'contagion,' as in Dalern or Pangkon Prabu. Foreign enclaves - such as the Islamic 'Kampong jawa' of Tabanan are. in fact, viewed by Balinese as such legendary localities. Any new residential area is watched closely to see if it reveals signs of particular pure impure qualities; if such signs are detected, a temple will likely be built to acknowledge them, and a group will be elevated to oversee the temple's proper maintenance.