Continued...

groups, as in Borneo and New Guinea; (2) territorial communities with corporate genealogical groups, as in the Minangkabau of Sumatra, (3) territorial communities, as in the principalities of Java; and (4) areas which include all of the above plus voluntary associations 1970. Since Bali fell into the fourth, residual category, adat scholars there had a complex task of documentation before them.

Local integrity

V.E. Korn tackled the task to become dean of Balinese adat studies. He recognized Liefrinck's formidable work as the 'foundation of every description of Balinese adat law.' But lie recalled as well van Vollenhoven's observation that Liefrinck had restricted himself to practical accounts of three central factors: indigenous land rights (grondenrecht), royal rents (landrente), and local institutions (dorpsinrichting). Moreover, Liefrinck's account of organization within and between village-areas was inadequate Korn 1932. The task for future scholarship was clear: to extend detailed compilations of native custom into more obscure areas, such as hereditary law.

The pervasive pseudohistorical scherne of Korn's work - indigenous Balinese, then Hindu - can easily be mistaken in retrospect as a naive 'conjectural history' of culture waves. Yet it is more accurately understood as reflecting a critical issue of the colonial administration. The insistence on the separation even in current life between original indigenous Balinese aspects and later Hindu importations arose from a famous earlier demonstration of the non-derivative, indigenous integrity of local Indonesian culture: