But the same idea extends to Balinese marriage in general. Basically, spouses from inside rank higher than spouses from outside, and they produce higher ranking sons. This is true even for the masses of Sudras; here caste ideology is less clear because sundry titled groups attached to local origin points dispute their rank. Korn summarizes the endogamous preference of incorporated Sudra ancestor-groups as follows:

In general the Sudra statuses give preference (voorkeur) to marriages between people who are tunggal dadia and tunggal paibon worshipping the same gods - van een godsvereering and if the daughters do not comply, they may never more return home to cat and to pray (1932).

For a given ancestor-temple group, the highest permissible wife is one from that group. For traditional rulers and nobles classing themselves as Satria or Wesia, a woman from a house of similar status approximates an endogamous wife, since the members of a given caste-status (arya) within a kingdom are thought to descend from the same ancestor. Likewise any Brahmana woman could be construed as an insider wife by another Brahmana group, hilt Brahmanas are also split into subcastes - most emphasized by the highest one - as explained by projecting a legendary history of primal differential marriage into the past: the arch Brahmana produced the several Brahmana subcastes (accounts differ) by fathering descendants by several wives of different castes. Often an endogamous woman is designated by a higher title than an outsider. The value on endogamous wives is expressed by naming part of an ancestor temple paibuan from the Balinese root for 'mother.' Moreover, ambitious sons, who are themselves often offspring of patriparallel-cousin wives, might take multiple spouses including such a cousin. Elevated wives bear children with higher titles; the actual portion of the name indexing rank varies with locality, general caste standing, and so forth. These values complicate Balinese